Put simply, direct lending is when a financial institution, other than a bank, lends money to company. Direct lenders usually make their lending decisions based on the borrower’s cash flow rather than asset base, the borrowers are typically mid-sized, and the deals are usually backed by private equity sponsors.
Pointer from Moses Sternstein. I strongly recommend the long post, which is a clear and well-written history of an important segment of finance in America.
Another term for direct lending is disintermediation. That is, instead of borrowers and lenders connecting via bank intermediaries, other lending institutions sprang up.
In my lifetime, much of this disintermediation was fostered by regulatory constraints on banks. In the 1970s and 1980s, when banks were tied down by ceilings on the interest rates that they could pay depositors, junk bonds took off. The Savings and Loan debacle of the 1980s was largely caused by regulatory distortions and was exacerbated by the S&Ls’ forays into junk bonds. In reaction, banking agencies imposed capital requirements that effectively penalized banks for making commercial loans—and instead pushed them into mortgage securities, which became the next crisis.
In most of the rest of the developed world, banks play a much larger role in finance. In Europe, Canada, and elsewhere, stock and bond markets account for a relatively smaller share of financial assets. Tyler Cowen points out,
On most days, Apple or Microsoft alone is more valuable than the entire stock markets of major European countries.
The United States has since its founding been characterized by populist hostility toward the banking industry. Until late in the 20th century, banks were not allowed to have branches in more than one state, and many states limited the number of branches that a bank could have. In some states, that limit was one.
While the American banking system was always crippled and fragmented, the stock market, the bond market, and various forms of “shadow banking” emerged to fill in the gaps. You can picture finance as a river, with bank regulations like little islands that have been placed in the middle. The river flows around the islands, in the form of direct lending and other methods of disintermediation.
In some sense, European banking puts financial decisions in the hands of elites. American finance, especially the stock market, is more democratic. As Tyler points out, we look really good at the moment. But we also looked good back when Irving Fisher said that stocks had reached a permanently high plateau.
Spina thinks that, on balance, direct lending is a good thing, because it better matches the nature of the assets and liabilities involved. Ordinary banks issue riskless, short-term liabilities (deposits) to fund risky, long-term assets (loans).
Banking enables households and firms to hold riskless, short-term assets (like checking accounts) and issue risky, long-term liabilities (like borrowing to buy a house or finance a business). The banks take the other side. That makes them subject to the risk of insolvency, due to bad decisions, adverse shocks, or bank runs.
If you don’t like bank insolvency and the government bailouts that tend to come with it, you can try to ban their usual form of intermediation. What you will get is disintermediation. Disintermediation means the emergence of shadow banks taking risks that are hard for regulators to monitor and control. If the regulators do manage to rein in shadow banking, then economic activity may be crippled.
Compared with banks, direct lenders generally put the onus on their liability holders to bear more risk and to commit funds for longer terms. That makes shadow banking more robust, all else equal.
But the incentives are always there for direct lenders to increase overall risk-taking and to drive that risk toward the government-backed banks. That is what happened with direct lending in the mortgage market in 2003-2007, when risky subprime loans were laundered into highly-rated tranches of mortgage securities, which received favorable capital treatment for banks, thanks to a regulatory standard known as the Recourse Rule.
Bank regulation is a classic example of what I call Sowell’s Law: there are no solutions, only trade-offs. The more tightly you restrict banks, the more finance will take place outside of the banking system. That could turn out to be a good thing. But it also could turn out to be highly unstable, because funding can dry up suddenly, as in the “run on repo” that took place in 2008. Or direct lending may, through clever risk transfer, end up loading the government-backed banking sector with unintended piles of risky assets, which also played a role in 2008.
My own suggestion for dealing with financial regulation is to introduce a layer of private-sector bank regulators. The rationale for this idea can be found in this essay. Please read that essay before posting comments.
substacks referenced above:
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As Michael S. wrote long ago, American commercial banks do not, as a matter of fact, balance short-term customer deposits with long-term loans:
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The maturity transformation issue – speaking from my experience as a bank director, and at least at the level of an individual bank – is not quite as easy to identify as the source of economic fluctuation as it might have been in Bagehot’s time. As a matter of fact, well managed banks do not “borrow short and lend long.” Balancing the maturities of deposits and of risk-based assets (i.e., loans) is the central task of what bankers call ‘funds management’. This is an art made much easier today by computerized analysis, so that ordinary bankers can today determine easily about their loan portfolios what a century ago perhaps only the Göttingen-educated mathematical genius J.P. Morgan was able to envision about his.
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and he says similar things about the 'financial pressure', non-bank finance, and the limited effect of regulation on it once the horse is out of the barn:
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What has happened in the past few months [of 2008 - C.] illustrates the difficulty of relying upon regulation to stabilize the financial system. Commercial banks were subjected to very stringent regulation in the aftermath of the crash of 1929 and the subsequent depression. Contrary to much of what has been said in the popular news media, very little of this regulation has been removed. Indeed, it has been more added to than reduced for years. However, economic pressure is rather like hydraulic pressure – it leaks through all attempts to contain it, at the points of least resistance. During all this time, an extensive sphere of non-bank lending activity was allowed to develop completely outside the bounds of commercial banking. Because it didn’t fall within the legal purview of bank regulation, it didn’t have to meet standards of capitalization, and its loans didn’t have to be as well collateralized. Leading figures in the non-bank financial sector like Franklin Raines and Angelo Mozilo paid very effective court to politicians like Christopher Dodd and Barney Frank to assure that they were not regulated as strictly as commercial banks. It is a travesty that these politicians are now permitted by the ideologically blinkered news media to scapegoat others for the disaster they themselves were instrumental in causing.
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I have collected all Michael S.'s excellent comments on money and banking and posted them on my old blog here: https://candide3.wordpress.com/2020/04/15/some-old-ur-comments-by-michael-s-on-money-and-banking/
Could one improvement be making bank officers have "more skin in the game"? 2007-8 showed that the lending officers and bank officials got to keep any bonus they made on the bad loans. What if the top 10-20% of bank employees were treated as partners when the bank collapsed, ie all their assets went to making the bail out facility whole. That would temper some of the exuberance to make risky loans. Another possibility would be requiring that part of the BOD be jailed after a failure that required a bailout. Again, no one went to jail after 2007. The problem seems to be socializing losses and privatizing gains.