Some Links, 9/8/2025
Glenn Reynolds on popular discontent with immigration; Matt Yglesias on same; Yascha Mounk on the university bundle; Steve Newman on agentic AI
One would expect, in light of longstanding public opposition to mass immigration — particularly by low-skilled third worlders — that politicians would eschew such a policy. In fact, they’ve gone pedal to the metal on it. And they’ve basically acknowledged the depth of the opposition by going to such extraordinary lengths to suppress not only the opposition ,but even the expression of opposing views, or even of traditional patriotism.
…Having decided, conveniently, that anyone opposed to their agenda is racist and evil, they’ve found it easy to ignore the public’s reluctance to be robbed and raped.
A recent paper by Laurenz Guenther of the University of Toulouse breaks with that pattern by taking seriously the idea that populist parties, at least in Europe, are simply responding to voter demand.
In particular, he finds that on most issues, including economic policy and abortion, the distribution of opinions in the mass public and among European members of parliament (M.P.s) are basically the same. Voters disagree with each other and so do parliamentarians, but the overall distribution of opinions is similar if you compare voters and elected officials.
But this is not true of immigration and a couple of other cultural issues. On those questions, incumbent M.P.s are significantly to the left of the population average.
Yglesias treats anti-immigration and anti-crime sentiments as the views of a large minority, while Reynolds sees them as the views of the majority. They would agree that elites are not helping themselves by taking a pro-immigrant stance. But Yglesias is rooting for the elites to stay on top by being nicer to the people who oppose immigration, while Reynolds is rooting against the elites.
One of the strangest things about an American university education is that it bundles a whole lot of different things together. If you want to take a course in high-level mathematics or listen to the lectures of an accomplished historian of Ming China, you must also buy membership in one of the country’s most lavish gyms; purchase all-you-can-eat meals at breakfast, lunch, and dinner; rent a room in a student dorm even if your parents happen to live a few miles down the road; pay an army of administrators whose jobs range from organizing parties to hiring puppies for you to pet during finals; subsidize student clubs that are devoted to such varied activities as playing Dungeons & Dragons or blind-tasting exclusive wines; and help to pay the lavish salaries of football and waterpolo coaches.
It is only strange if you think that college is for students who are capable and motivated to learn. Mounk claims,
If students could attend Harvard or Rice without having to purchase the world’s most exclusive and extended all-in-vacation package, it would be much more affordable to attend these institutions.
He suggests giving a student the option that I might call Spartan U, at a lower price.
The second price—let’s call it the I’m Here to Learn option—would be based solely on the cost of providing a stellar education. It would allow students to complete their undergraduate education, including access to lectures and seminars and laboratories, but exclude the other amenities which have come to be such a big part of the university experience. Students would themselves be responsible for securing housing, for feeding themselves, and for figuring out their leisure activities.
Economists see bundling as a strategy for price discrimination, and I like to say that price discrimination explains everything. When a business is dominated by overhead cost, as is the case with higher education, you have to try price discrimination. The most obvious example in this case is financial aid policy. But bundling also serves that purpose.
Joe the Animal values the parties at $30,000 and the classes at $25,000. Arnold the Nerd values the classes at $30,000 and the parties at $25,000. If you separate the parties from the classes, then you can only charge $30,000 to each, because Joe takes only the parties while Arnold takes only the classes. But if you bundle, and you charge $50,000 (or even $55,000). Joe and Arnold take the bundle and you get more revenue.
with each advance in AI, new hurdles become apparent; when one missing aspect of “intelligence” is filled in, we find ourselves bumping up against another gap. When I speculated about GPT-5 last year, it didn’t occur to me to question whether it would know how to set priorities, because the models of the time weren’t even capable enough for that to be a limiting factor.
…In April 2024, it seemed like agentic AI was going to be the next big thing. The ensuing 16 months have brought enormous progress on many fronts, but very little progress on real-world agency. With projects like AI Village shining a light on the profound weakness of current AI agents, I think robust real-world capability is still years away.
Prediction about AI is hard. Especially about the future. Interestingly, Zvi Mowshowitz, an outspoken AI doomer, is one of those who seems to have a very aggressive timeline embedded in his view.
substacks referenced above:
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“They would agree that elites are not helping themselves by taking a pro-immigrant stance.“
The elites can’t help it. They have deeply held beliefs about right and wrong and the moral certainty to never waiver be it on immigration, the existential threat of mis/disinformation, Covid policy or climate change. I call it the gospel according to Davos. The elites meet in their annual ecumenical convention in Switzerland to decide on right/wrong and then spread the good news to the rest of us once they have adjourned.
Re: college unbundling: I don't understand Mounk's reasoning process. If we allowed and encouraged home mortgage borrowers to also use their loans to pay for sports cars, plastic surgery, or graphics cards, we would not be surprised to see more mortgage borrowers also using some of the money to pay for such things in addition to buying home equity.
The confusion is shown here by the phrase "*you* must also buy . . ." (emphasis added on the "you") because it's the borrower buying it with the support of the federal government for most students.
His proposed solution of the poverty option and the gold plated option don't make sense for the schools because of the way that the loans are regulated. The federal government will put the screws on for lending money for winter tires for students, but it will not blink at financing nice apartments or other various amenities included in "reasonable" housing expenses. It's muddled to point the finger at the schools instead of at the feds. The schools have shaped themselves into money receptacles based on what the federal government will pay for. Fancy dorms are fancy because NOT fancifying the dorms leaves money on the table.
Our illustrious and wise politicians understand that The People love money for nothing. In higher education, our glorious, ever-victorious, courageous, brilliant, and beautiful politicians noticed that it could be used as an excuse to distribute money for nothing (with an asterisk) to people likely to vote for them. And so that is why we have this system if you can really call it a "system" in which the government doles other people's money out to its favorite people and then celebrates itself for being public-minded about it.